‘Every Day Is Nanih Waiya Day’: Mississippi Band of Choctaw Indians Honor ‘Mother Mound’ with Celebrations

Lifestyle

October 14, 2024

‘Every Day Is Nanih Waiya Day’: Mississippi Band of Choctaw Indians Honor ‘Mother Mound’ with Celebrations

An old Choctaw legend said the tribe came from the west and traveled to Mississippi in the late 1500s or early 1600s during the Green Corn Festivals, Choctaw Cultural Center Visitor Services Relations Coordinator Cynthia Massey told the Mississippi Free Press.

A tribal member would pierce a staff in the ground to determine whether they should stay on that land or move to another area. If the staff leaned in either direction, they would find another place to settle.

When the Choctaw people arrived in Mississippi and struck the ground of what would become their mother mound—Nanih Waiya—Massey said the staff stood straight up, meaning they had found their homeland. They built the mound even larger by layering branches with dirt until it reached about 25 feet tall, 218 feet wide and 140 feet deep. The Mississippi Dictionary reports that indigenous people packed dirt into a platform mound sometime during the Woodland period from 0 to 300 A.D. and occupied the area until around 700 A.D.

Mississippi Band of Choctaw Indian dancers perform a routine near the Nanih Waiya mound in Winston County, Miss., on Aug. 8, 2024. Photo courtesy Fred Willis

Because there is no written record of the Mississippi Choctaw people, no one knows exactly what they used the mound for. Massey said many people assume it was a ceremonial mound because of its platform shape or a burial mound. Its location is not available to the public and a gate guards the land because of its significance to the Choctaw people as well as to prevent vandalization, she said.

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“That’s what we see as our historical Mother Mound, that represents our homeland,” Massey told the Mississippi Free Press on Aug. 1.

U.S. Government Forcibly Removed Choctaw People From Mississippi

The U.S. government forced about 90% of Mississippi’s Choctaw people to move to reservations in Oklahoma in the Treaty of the Dancing Rabbit Creek, which went into effect on Sept. 27, 1830.

Choctaw historian Dan Isaac explained that some Choctaw teachings say that the tribe is not allowed to leave its mother, the Nanih Waiya mound, so about 10% of Mississippi’s Choctaw people stayed behind.

“Some families did remain here in Mississippi because of how sacred the mound was to us,” he told the Mississippi Free Press on Sept. 26.

Mississippi Band of Choctaw Indians Tribal Chief Cyrus Ben (right) and 2024-2025 Choctaw Indian Princess Leilani Elyse Allen stand next to tribal, state and American flags on the Nanih Waiya mound in Winston County, Miss., on Aug. 8, 2024. Photo courtesy Fred Willis

Through the treaty, the government also took possession of the Mississippi Band of Choctaw Indians’ historic Nanih Waiya mound in Winston County, Miss. Nanih Waiya means “leaning hill” in Choctaw.

Isaac said he was happy for non-Choctaw people to visit the mound as long as they are respectful and don’t damage the land. Many Choctaw people make the pilgrimage to Nanih Waiya each year to honor traditions, he noted.

The Treaty of the Dancing Rabbit was the last time that the Choctaw people signed away a large portion of their land through an agreement with the U.S. government.

“The only reason (the treaties) stopped was because the nation all were removed. We didn’t have a nation no longer. We had a band of Indians,” Isaac said.

The Choctaw people that stayed in Mississippi worked as sharecroppers picking cotton and doing “whatever we could do to remain here in order to survive,” he said.

“We were orphans in our own land,” the historian added.

Native Americans Are ‘Prisoners of War,’ Choctaw Historian Says

For 178 years, the U.S. government had possession of the Choctaw people’s sacred Nanih Waiya mound. Dan Isaac said that part of the reason he thinks it took the Mississippi Band of Choctaw Indians almost two centuries to reclaim its land is because the tribe was unorganized since most of its members had moved to Oklahoma.

The U.S. officially recognized Native Americans as citizens in 1924, which Isaac said then caused the government to create reservations to house Native Americans. Native Americans could not leave their reservations without written permission to travel from the U.S. Department of Interior until 1934.

“Any time you have an inmate or prisoner, you have to have permission before you can leave the prison,” Isaac said, calling Native Americans “prisoners of war.”

Cynthia Massey said that for years, the MCBI petitioned legislators to pass a bill that would give the mound back to the Choctaw people. She said a non-Choctaw family owned the land, so it was not on tribal grounds, making it difficult for the MCBI to regain possession.

Visitor Services Relations Coordinator Cynthia Massey works at the Choctaw Cultural Center in Choctaw, Miss., to educate the public on Choctaw traditions, including the history of the Nanih Waiya mound. Photo by Heather Harrison

The Luke family sold the land to the Mississippi State Park Commission in 1959, and the site started accepting visitors in 1962. The U.S. government named Nanih Waiya in the National Register of Historic Places in 1973.

The Mississippi Legislature gave ownership of the land to the Luke family in 2006, then T.W. Luke designated the land in a deed to be the state’s property as a public park. In 2008, the Lukes updated the deed to give ownership of the mound to the MBCI. On Aug. 8, 2008, the U.S. passed the ownership of the land back to the MBCI through Misssissippi’s Senate Bill 2732.

Isaac said he has forgiven the U.S. government for taking away the Choctaw people’s land and freedoms.

“True freedom only comes with forgiveness,” Isaac said.

‘Every Day Is Nanih Waiya Day’

The Mississippi Band of Choctaw Indians celebrates its repossession of the Nanih Waiya Mound each year in Winston County on the second Thursday in August.

The MBCI gathers at the Nanih Waiya Mound in Winston County to celebrate the land returning to the tribe’s possession.

“To us, every day is Nanih Waiya Day. And to us, every day is like Veteran’s Day. Every day is a holiday that we celebrate,” Isaac said, adding that Choctaw teachings honor holidays daily instead of once a year.

The eight Mississippi tribal communities post their flag near the mound alongside the Mississippi Band of Choctaw Indians, U.S. and Mississippi state flags on Aug. 8, 2024. Photo courtesy Fred Willis

To honor Nanih Waiya Day this year, members of MBCI sang the U.S. National Anthem and a Choctaw honor song in the Choctaw language as drummers played rhythmic beats. Tribal Chief Cyrus Ben gave a speech about the mound’s history and 2024-2025 Choctaw Indian Princess Leilani Elyse Allen was the mistress of ceremonies. The Bogue Chitto social dancers performed traditional Choctaw dances and closed with the Walk dance.

The eight Mississippi tribal communities post their flag near the mound alongside the MBCI, U.S. and Mississippi state flags. The MBCI rests on Friday, and Choctaw public offices close out of gratitude and respect for the occasion.

“People can look back and kind of respect that day that has been given back to us,” Cynthia Massey said.

The celebration also means that the MBCI will never let the government take away its sacred mother mound again.

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Governor Reeves Approves Deployment of Law Enforcement Assets to North Carolina for Helene Response

State News

MSEMA

October 14, 2024

Governor Reeves Approves Deployment of Law Enforcement Assets to North Carolina for Helene Response

JACKSON, Miss. – Governor Tate Reeves today announced that he has approved the deployment of additional assets to help support the state of North Carolina as they continue response and recovery missions following Hurricane Helene.

Law enforcement from the Mississippi Highway Patrol (22 members) and the Mississippi Department of Wildlife, Fisheries and Parks (25 members) will deploy to North Carolina this week to assist with search and rescue missions and traffic control. Fourteen missions have been deployed to five states affected by Hurricanes Helene and Milton; seven of which have demobilized and returned home.

“Mississippi will continue assisting our fellow Americans in the wake of Hurricanes Helene and Milton,” said Governor Tate Reeves. “These 47 law enforcement officers will be another valuable asset in recovery efforts, and I thank them for stepping up to serve.”

Hurricane Helene:

Hurricane Milton:

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Why we must win for School Choice

State News

mspolicyorg

October 14, 2024

Local mom, Amanda Kibble, is celebrating an important win for her family, and for school choice.

Earlier this year, Governor Tate Reeves signed HB 1341 into law. This new law gives military families in Mississippi the right to transfer their children to any traditional public school around the state, assuming that the receiving school has capacity. Early indications suggest this is extremely popular, with lots of military families using school choice to switch schools.

Amanda, and her family, found out the hard way that the law might not apply to those who serve their country in the National Guard. There was a real risk that Amanda’s son might lose his place at his preferred school.

That’s when Amanda approached MCPP, and we took up her case. MCPP has a long history of fighting for school choice, and our legal arm, the Mississippi Justice Institute has successfully litigated in defense of school choice.

I am delighted that Attorney General, Lynn Fitch, has now issued an opinion that the new school choice law for military families also applies, at least in part, to those in the National Guard. Three cheers for the AG!

If military families now have public-to-public school choice, why shouldn’t everybody? That is exactly what our “Move Up, Mississippi!” campaign aims to achieve.

This week’s win for school choice makes it all the more disappointing that the new State Superintendent for Education, Lance Evans, took a sideswipe at school choice recently.

Speaking at a lunch in Jackson, Evans criticized school choice, suggesting that if a single dollar of public money went into private schools, those private schools should be subjected to the regulatory oversight that public schools are subject to.

Those that oppose school choice, and indeed I suspect Mr. Evans, know full well that extending state oversight across the private school sector would be untenable – which is why they suggest it. But it is not the clever argument against school choice that they might imagine.

Giving every family in our state the right to choose a public school, as military families are now able to do, would not transfer public dollars into private schools.

Amanda Kibble and those military families that now have school choice are not taking money out of public schools. Does Lance Evans oppose their right to choose a school for their child?

MCPP proposes that under a separate program, families that attend private schools, or who home school, could get a tax credit reflecting the fact that they are already paying for a place at a public school that they are not taking.

Evans attack on parent power was not the worst of it. More disappointing was the plodding presentation that preceded it about how amazing education is in our state.

Evans trumpeted the fact that about a third of districts were rated D or F in 2016. Now only a handful are rated D or F. This, he implied, was evidence of progress, rather than a reflection of a broken accountability system.

When officials invoke the broken grading system as evidence of improvement, it is not just the credibility to the grading we should question.

How bizarre, that in a solidly Republican-run state, we have somehow ended up with an anti-school choice official in charge? Are the nine-member State Board of Education aware of Evans’ anti-school choice position? Are the various state leaders that appointed those members of the Board?

Since 2000, the number of students in America has increased by 5 percent. The number of teachers by around 10 percent. The number of education administrators, however, has shot up by 95 percent.

No wonder the education bureaucrats don’t want mom and dad to have control over where their child’s share of the education budget goes. They might start to demand that it goes into the classroom.

Lance Evans talked about making private schools accountable. Private schools already are accountable to every fee-paying parent. The issue is how to ensure that public schools are made similarly accountable, too.

We need to give every family in our state the public-to-public school choice that military families now have.

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Sun sets on Mississippi State Fair

State News

Mississippi Today

October 14, 2024

Sun begins to set Sunday, Oct. 13, 2024, at the 165th Mississippi State Fair in Jackson, Miss. Credit: Mukta Joshi/Mississippi Today

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Mississippi’s 165th state fair just came to an end. The past week saw Mississippians of all ages flock to the heart of Jackson to enjoy freshly squeezed lemonade, every kind of fried food imaginable, gentle animals, thrilling games, and rides (for the particularly brave). The Mississippi Today team didn’t miss out.

Mississiipi State Fair offers a collage of colors, food, rides and fum on Sunday, Oct. 2024.

The annual Mississippi State Fair is a time for food, fun and trying new treats. Credit: Mukta Joshi/Mississipppi Today

Mississippi State Fair goers in Jackson, Miss., enjoy a high-flying whirl on Sunday, Oct. 13, 2024. Credit: Mukta Joshi/Mississippi Today

Some kid-to-kid love at the petting zoo at the Mississippi State Fair in Jackson, Miss., Sunday, Oct. 13, 2024. Credit: Mukta Joshi/Mississippi Today

Young people take in all the prizes and surprises at the Mississippi State Fair, Sunday, Oct. 13, 2024. Credit: Mukta Joshi/Mississippi Today

Winning gold — goldfish, that is — at the Mississippi State Fair in Jackson, Miss., Sunday, Oct.13, 2024. Credit: Mukta Joshi/Mississippi Today

Enjoying a tea cup twirl at the Mississippi State Fair on Sunday, Oct. 13, 2024. Credit: Mukta Joshi/Mississippi Today

Young Mississipppi State Fair goers enjoyed making bubbles at rhe Mississippi State Fair on Sunday, Oct. 13, 2024. Credit: Mukta Joshi/Mississippi Today

Blowing bubbles at the Mississippi State Fair, Sunday, Oct. 13, 2024. Credit: Mukta Joshi/Mississi[[i Today

Young Mississippi State Fair goer gets a shoulder-top view of the sights on Sunday, Oct. 13, 2024. Credit: Mukta Joshi/Mississippi Today

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This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

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Man with loaded gun arrested at checkpoint near Donald Trump’s rally in California

State News

christopher weber

October 14, 2024

Man with loaded gun arrested at checkpoint near Donald Trump’s rally in California

LOS ANGELES (AP) — A Nevada man with a shotgun, loaded handgun, ammunition, and several fake passports in his vehicle was arrested at a security checkpoint outside Donald Trump’s rally Saturday night in the Southern California desert, authorities said. He was released the same day on $5,000 bail.

The suspect, a 49-year-old resident of Las Vegas, was driving an unregistered black SUV with a “homemade” license plate that was stopped by deputies assigned to the rally in Coachella, east of Los Angeles, Riverside County Sheriff Chad Bianco said at a news conference Sunday afternoon.

The driver claimed to be a journalist but it was unclear if he had the proper credentials. Deputies noticed the interior of the vehicle was “in disarray” and a search uncovered the weapons and ammo, along with multiple passports and driver licenses with different names, Bianco said.

The man was arrested on suspicion of possessing a loaded firearm and possession of a high-capacity magazine, the department said in a statement.

“This incident did not impact the safety of former President Trump or attendees of the event,” the Saturday statement said. Trump had not yet arrived at the rally at the time of the arrest, the sheriff said Sunday.

The suspect is scheduled to appear in court on Jan. 2, 2025, according to online records.

Bianco declined to speculate about the suspect’s motives or frame of mind. “We know we prevented something bad from happening, and it was irrelevant what that bad was going to be,” Bianco said.

The man made it past an outer security boundary and was stopped at an inner perimeter patrolled by the sheriff’s department, Bianco said. Another security checkpoint closer to the rally site was operated by the Secret Service.

“The U.S. Secret Service assesses that the incident did not impact protective operations and former President Trump was not in any danger,” the U.S. Attorney’s Office said in a statement Sunday. “While no federal arrest has been made at this time, the investigation is ongoing.”

Media members, as well as VIP ticket holders, were routed through a number of intersections manned by

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State’s Van Buren solidifying his ‘QB of the future’ status

Sports

parrish alford

October 14, 2024

With a freshman quarterback making his first career starts against top-five teams Texas and Georgia, both on the road, it’s not about the final score.

Stats are for losers, it’s often said.

Pearls of wisdom like that are rooted in truth. Those who gravitate quickly to the stat column have often come up short in the score column.

But for Mississippi State, stats have a little more meaning right now.

With a freshman quarterback making his first career starts against top-five teams Texas and Georgia, both on the road, it’s not about the final score.

Those wonderful underdog stories that we so enjoy are rare. For the Bulldogs, in Year 1 of a rebuild with a first-time head coach, success is measured differently.

And they found success in a 41-31 loss at No. 5 Georgia Saturday, namely in that freshman quarterback, Michael Van Buren.

The Bulldogs were down 17 at the half. They’d only scored 10 points, and the stage was set for Georgia to pull away. The Athens Bulldogs were halfway to their 34-point spread.

It’s a sad tale State had seen before this season.

This time it was different.

Van Buren showed poise and confidence.

The Bulldogs flirted with 400 total yards in spite of their inability to run. While they looked overmatched from a physicality standpoint on the ground, they protected enough.

In the off-season Blake Shapen, the Baylor transfer, was considered a premiere get for Jeff Lebby’s restoration project.

Van Buren, a three- or four-star freshman signee considering the recruiting service, was considered the quarterback of the future.

In the modern era of college football the future can’t be assumed. Players come and go, and rosters can look drastically different from year to year.

Maybe Shapen comes back with a medical redshirt, maybe not. Maybe Lebby links up with the Portal’s next big thing.

The season-long job interview

The only certainty is that for now Van Buren is like an interim coach with a season-long job interview.

He’s got a chance to cement his status as the quarterback of the future. He can change how Lebby views the off-season and the Portal.

And he’s off to a good start.

Van Buren, experiencing the big-game yips perhaps, missed some open throws and completed just five of his first 15 pass attempts before settling down and hitting nine straight.

He finished 20-for-37 for 306 yards with three touchdowns.

He threw his first interception of the season, and while that’s never good, it says something that a freshman thrust into a role he wasn’t repped for in the preseason has mostly protected the ball well through two starts and three appearances.

Van Buren, right now, is a bright spot. It would have been great if he could have become this week’s Diego Pavia with a Vanderbilt-Alabama level of upset.

Van Buren didn’t get that but he got meaningful snaps with the game undecided.

The Bulldogs were clearly behind the 8-ball, but there was still drama.

Van Buren led third-quarter touchdown fives of eight plays, 80 yards and eight plays, 75 yards.

The Bulldogs started the fourth quarter at No. 5 Georgia 10 points back with the football, and the freshman drove State from its 21 to near midfield before it was forced to punt.

Those are snaps that matter, much more valuable than a touchdown pass against down-the-depth-chart players in the final minutes of a blowout.

That’s video that Lebby can work with.

Speaking of Lebby, if Van Buren continues to flourish it validates the reason the well-respected offensive coordinator was hired in the first place. He’s had that quarterback whisperer glow about him.

Nothing special at the start, but now…

There was nothing special about State’s offense at the beginning of the season once the Bulldogs got past their FCS game against Eastern Kentucky.

In this new phase of Lebby I the focus on offense has changed to Van Buren’s development. There was little to no chance they were going to win at Texas.

And while Van Buren got meaningful reps in the second half, State made Georgia sweat but it wasn’t the most pressure those guys have faced this year.

They were still in control, and they showed it driving 81 yards in 16 plays, most of it on the ground including Trevor Etienne’s 1-yard touchdown run on fourth down. They chewed clock and put the game out of reach.

Georgia maintained its grip, but Kirby Smart and his players knew they’d been in a game. They felt it.

Toledo, Florida and Texas didn’t feel it as much.

The important thing for the Bulldogs is that in the second half their quarterback of the future was feeling it.

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Seeking Him “first” isn’t enough

State News

matt friedeman

October 14, 2024

This article first appeared on the Magnolia Tribune.

Matt Friedeman writes that Jesus calls us to divest ourselves of all other people, places and things that compete for attention and settle on Christ.

One of my professors – a theology professor named Dr. Al Coppedge – held discipleship groups in his home across many years of his tenure at Asbury Seminary. One evening, as we huddled in his living room, he asked a wide-open question about a verse we had just read in the Gospel of Matthew.

But seek first His kingdom and His righteousness,
and all these things will be added to you.

The question was, “What do you guys think about this verse?” No one said anything, and I definitely had an opinion, so I said, “I don’t like it.”

“Oh?” said Dr. Coppedge as my friend’s heads swiveled in my direction to see what potentially heretical thing I was getting ready to say.

“Yeah,” I continued. “It seems to me like using the word ‘first’ leaves it open to put something second, or third, or fourth.” I had more to say, but since by the looks of the faces my standing in the group seemed to be sinking, I just shut up. If I wanted to continue my commentary, I would have said this: “The Church is full of people who put God first and prioritize Him with their time, talent and money. But after that, they do what they want with their business, their leisure time, their habits. Church people generally don’t mind this passage – they feel like they are already living this verse.” At any rate, the study went on that evening and I felt a bit embarrassed by it all.

About a year later I am in Kansas studying for my doctorate and gathering students in my own living room for a Bible study on…Matthew 6:33. And, in a year’s time, I still didn’t really like the verse much for the same reason. Surely there had to have been a better word than “first.” I decided before the crowd arrived to go check the voluminous Greek word resource called the Theological Dictionary of the New Testament known in the scholarly world by the name of one of the editors, Kittels. I looked up the word for “first” in the Greek – proton – and started reading the handful of paragraphs Kittel offered to explain proton. Lo and behold, proton means…first. In fact, it was so obvious I felt like the paragraphs were screaming back at me from these couple of pages words to the effect of, “Hey dummy, proton means first and…that’s it. First, one before two, two before three. First.” I felt that my friends back at the seminary would really have relished the moment if they had been there.

I was about ready to throw the book back on the shelf but decided before doing so flipping to the last page to see how the article ended up. And there, on page 870 of the sixth volume of the Theological Dictionary of the New Testament was this gem:

…the sense “above all” occurs elsewhere in the NT only at Mt. 6:33. The meaning here cannot be that one must first seek after God’s kingdom and then after other things. “Above all” is the only meaning which corresponds to the central position which orientation to the kingdom of God has in the proclamation of Jesus. Indeed, proton is so exclusive here that it carries the implication of “only.”

Soren Kierkegaard wrote a book titled “Purity of Heart is to Will One Thing.” The title had it right. Blessed are the poor in spirit…Blessed are the pure in heart – those who have cleansed their hearts of other things and have decided the King and His Kingdom is the only priority of their lives. Seek ye only… A radical call to purity and exclusivity. Jesus calls us to divest ourselves of all other people, places and things that compete for attention and settle on Christ, and Christ alone for our salvation, sanctification, and destiny in Him.

I once preached a sermon series titled “How Do You Spell Christianity?” One of the sermons was O-N-L-Y. No doubt, there is a certain beauty in purity and only-ness, and a certain power.

By grace, make it so Lord Jesus!

This article first appeared on the Magnolia Tribune and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

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Trump’s toughest foe could be Harris lawyer Marc Elias

State News

paul sperry

October 14, 2024

Trump’s toughest foe could be Harris lawyer Marc Elias

This article first appeared on the Magnolia Tribune.

If Trump is declared the winner, the hard-charging attorney threatens to overturn his election by deploying an army of more than 75 lawyers to sue for ballot recounts in several swing states.

If Donald Trump gets past Kamala Harris on Nov. 5, he’ll likely face a fiercer opponent in court – her campaign attorney, Marc Elias.

The longtime Democratic Party lawyer has already filed more than 60 preelection lawsuits to stop Trump from becoming president again by combatting what he calls Republican “voter suppression” efforts such as requiring voters to provide identification at the polls. Echoing a standard Democratic talking point, Elias maintains that such requirements are “racist” strategies designed to make it harder for minorities to vote.

At the same time, Elias has been sending letters to election officials in Georgia and other key swing states threatening legal action if they uphold challenges to voter rolls to remove noncitizens and other ineligible registrants. Some Georgia officials complain that his intimidation tactics are interfering with county registrars’ ability to check the qualifications of voters.

If Trump is declared the winner, the hard-charging attorney threatens to overturn his election by deploying an army of more than 75 lawyers to sue for ballot recounts in several swing states. Trump, in turn, has threatened to lock Elias up for election interference, as ABC News moderator David Muir pointed out in last month’s presidential debate between Trump and Kamala Harris.

Elias symbolizes the growing impact of lawfare on U.S. elections as both parties are turning increasingly to the courts to gain an edge. According to a newly disclosed Republican National Committee memo, the Trump campaign has filed or joined 123 election lawsuits in 26 states, 82 of which are in battleground states, to combat what it describes as voter fraud. It has also hired thousands of lawyers to fend off what a Trump lawyer expects will be “an onslaught of litigation” from the Harris campaign contesting the results of the election. Of course, that army of lawyers will also be used to push recounts should Trump lose.

Election experts say that these GOP efforts – fueled, in part, by Trump’s claim that Democrats stole the 2020 election – are playing catch-up. Democrats have long been at the forefront of strategies to use the court to impact elections, and no one has been more important to that cause than Elias, who keeps a sign behind his desk that warns: “BEWARE OF ATTACK DEMOCRAT.”

To many Democrats, he is a hero. The headline of a 2022 profile of Elias in the New Yorker called Elias, “The First Defense Against Trump’s Assault on Democracy.”

Conservatives tend to see Elias in a much different light. “Mr. Elias is part of a massive and well-funded partisan leftist operation notorious for using lawfare to undermine election integrity,” says Tom Fitton, president of Judicial Watch. “Making it easier to steal elections is the antithesis of ‘democracy.’”

Nevertheless, in the expanding world of lawfare, Elias, a 55-year-old graduate of Duke University’s law school, continues to stand apart. While scoring many victories in the courthouse, he has also worked closely with campaigns on partisan efforts that have little to do with jurisprudence.

More Than a Courtroom Partisan

As general counsel to Hillary Clinton’s 2016 presidential campaign, he helped lead the effort to manufacture and leak spurious “opposition research” claiming to reveal illicit ties between Trump and Russia.

Elias later testified that he was worried – then as now – that Trump was a threat to democracy: “I received information that was troubling as someone who cares about democracy.” That “information” turned out to be a fictitious “dossier” linking Trump to the Kremlin crafted by former British spook and FBI informant Christopher Steele, who huddled with Elias in his Washington office.

“Some of the information that was in it I think has actually proved true. It was accurate and important,” Elias testified in a closed-door hearing on Capitol Hill in December 2017, according to a declassified transcript. Actually, Steele’s allegations proved to be a collection of improbable rumors and fabricated allegations invented by Steele’s top researcher and a Clinton campaign adviser.

Nonetheless, the disinformation was fed to the FBI and media, igniting criminal investigations (including illegal electronic surveillance), congressional probes, and a media frenzy that crippled Trump’s presidency with bad press for years.

In a parallel operation against Trump, Elias worked with his then-law partner Michael Sussmann and Clinton campaign officials – including Jake Sullivan, who is now President Biden’s national security adviser – to develop misleading evidence of a “secret hotline” between Trump and Russian President Vladimir Putin that allegedly used a “back channel” connection between email servers at Trump Tower and Russian-owned Alfa Bank. These false allegations were posted on social media and brought to the attention of the FBI, triggering a separate criminal investigation targeting Trump and his campaign. Like other Russiagate probes, it was eventually discredited.

But the damage was done. By spreading fake Russian dirt on Trump, Elias was able to create scandals that dogged Trump for years, tarnishing his electability. The Democratic lawyer’s machinations, however, drew scrutiny from other investigators and hurt his own reputation – albeit temporarily.

During his probe of Russiagate, Special Counsel John Durham found Elias intentionally sought to conceal Clinton’s role in the dossier. According to court records, Elias acted as a cutout for more than $1 million in campaign payments for the dossier. By laundering its payments through a law firm, the Clinton campaign and Elias were able to claim attorney-client confidentiality when Durham sought their internal emails (the assertion of that privilege also blocked investigators from accessing communications between Elias and Steele’s immediate employer, the Washington-based opposition research firm, FusionGPS). But their shell game got the Clinton campaign in trouble with the Federal Election Commission, which later fined it and the Democratic National Committee $113,000 for misreporting the purpose of the payments as “legal expenses,” rather than opposition research, in violation of FEC laws.

The Durham probe, which Elias insists was “politically motivated,” nonetheless raised ethical issues with the D.C. Bar and Elias’ former law firm, Perkins Coie, reportedly leading to their breakup in August 2021, when Elias suddenly left the powerhouse after almost 30 years. The firm, which Elias had joined fresh out of law school in 1993, grew “increasingly uncomfortable” with the unwanted scrutiny the Durham probe invited on it, according to published reports. The veteran prosecutor exposed questionable billing practices by the firm. Durham also revealed the Democratic firm had set up an FBI workspace within its Washington offices, further calling into question the FBI’s impartiality in investigating Trump.

In late 2021, Elias opened his own firm, the Elias Law Group, but soon lost major clients who reportedly grew weary of his aggressive tactics and go-it-alone style. Last year, the DNC severed its 15-year relationship with Elias; then more recently, the Biden campaign parted company with him. In 2020, Elias had quarterbacked Biden’s legal team that fought Trump’s claims in court that the election had been stolen. He also beat back GOP measures to ensure election integrity after Democrats took advantage of the COVID-19 pandemic to dramatically loosen rules for voting – including allowing ballot harvesting, drop boxes, and ballots arriving up to four days after Election Day to still be counted.

Top Democratic Party officials were said to sour on Elias after he filed election-related lawsuits without consulting with them, some of which backfired with unfavorable – and lasting – rulings. Biden’s team reportedly also became frustrated with his fees. Elias billed the DNC and Biden campaign more than $20 million during the 2020 election cycle.

But Elias has since taken on other clients – including Kamala Harris – who have more than made up for the loss in revenue. So far in this election cycle, the latest FEC filings show the Elias Law Group has received a total of more than $22 million in disbursements from a host of major Democratic and anti-Trump clients. In addition to the Harris For President campaign, where he’s in charge of recounts and post-election litigation (it’s not known if he also has a hand in opposition research, as he did in 2016), Elias has signed retainer agreements with the:

Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee
Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee
[Democratic] Senate Majority PAC
Stop Trump PAC
The Lincoln Project

Elias has also been retained by Mind The Gap, a political action committee set up to help Democrats take back the House. Mind The Gap was founded by Barbara Fried, the mother of convicted crypto kingpin Sam Bankman-Fried. In a lawsuit filed last year, Fried, a Stanford law professor, is accused of orchestrating a potentially illegal scheme to funnel political contributions from her son to her PAC.

Among Elias’ other clients are Democratic Rep. Adam Schiff, a leader of House efforts to impeach Trump who, records show, is shelling out a six-figure retainer for Elias as he runs for an open U.S. Senate seat in California, and Democratic Rep. Dan Goldman, who previously served as Schiff’s chief counsel during the first Trump impeachment.

Elias also represents Democratic Sen. Sherrod Brown of Ohio, who polls show is narrowly leading GOP challenger Bernie Moreno in his race for reelection, according to the RealClearPolitics Average. That race could determine control of the Senate.

The business of political lawfare – or “protecting democracy,” as Elias calls his job – has made the super lawyer super-rich. The most recent property records show Elias lives in a $2.6 million mansion in Great Falls, Va., and FEC records show he has the wherewithal to donate generous sums to his party, including a combined total of at least $65,000 in gifts to the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee and the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee.

“Aggressive Bully”

Elias first earned his reputation as a fierce and effective advocate in 2009, when he won an eight-month recount battle to get his client, Al Franken, elected to the Senate. He also scored a series of victories against the Trump campaign in 2020.

“My team and I beat [Trump] in court 60-plus times,” Elias boasted on X last month, in his trademark brashness. “Here is my message to the GOP: If you try to subvert the election in 2024, you will be sued and you will lose.”

Representing Biden electors in Arizona, for example, Elias in late 2020 defeated a post-election Trump lawsuit alleging voter fraud in Maricopa County by arguing at trial the plaintiff showed the court only “garden variety errors” but provided “no evidence about misconduct, no evidence about fraud, no evidence about illegal votes.”

But Elias’ aggressive posture has also backfired.

In 2016, he sued Arizona to strike down two laws that, he argued, made it harder for blacks and Hispanics to vote. One banned the practice of partisans going door-to-door and collecting mail-in ballots and bringing them to a polling place, and the other canceled ballots that were cast at the wrong precinct. Elias argued the measures violated a key part of the Voting Rights Act – Section 2 – prohibiting states from passing voting laws that discriminate based on race. After a lower court in Arizona refused to block the measures prior to the election, Elias appealed and won a favorable ruling from the liberal U.S. Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals. But in the case, Brnovich v. DNC, the U.S. Supreme Court sided with Arizona, ruling that the state’s ballot-integrity measures lacked discriminatory intent.

UCLA law professor Rick Hasen speculates that the conservative Supreme Court used the Brnovich case as “an opportunity to weaken” Section 2, which Democratic voting-rights lawyers have relied on as a tool for civil rights enforcement. Regardless of the justices’ motives, the Brnovich decision does establish a precedent whereby voting rules resulting in only small disparities for voters of color can no longer be challenged. Some Democrats complain that Elias’ loss in Arizona opened the door for all red states to impose “restrictions” on voting.

“Marc didn’t listen to such criticism and he brought an extremely weak Voting Rights Act case in Arizona to disastrous results,” Hasen wrote in a recent blog. “It is fine to be zealous in one’s advocacy,” he added, “but one need not be an aggressive bully.”

Elias has also aggravated judges. He’s been disciplined for filing frivolous lawsuits and motions. In 2021, for instance, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit sanctioned Elias for refiling a motion that was previously rejected by a lower court “without disclosing the previous denial.” The appellate court ordered him to pay attorneys’ fees and court costs incurred by opponents in the Texas election case over his “duplicative” motion.

“Using lawfare as Elias does is legal – unless the litigation is frivolous,” said Paul Kamenar, general counsel for the National Legal and Policy Center in Washington.

Elias and an attorney representing him did not reply to requests for comment. But in a previous interview, he dismissed the criticism that he is unnecessarily belligerent, arguing that the “existential threat Trump poses to democracy” demands tough action. He acknowledged that he can be brusque but explained he discarded lawyerly circumspection and restraint after Trump’s 2016 election “radicalized” him.

“And so I became a much more polarized person and a more polarizing lawyer,” Elias told The New Yorker.

In a recent column for his Democracy Docket website, Elias attacked Trump as another “Hitler” who is “plotting to overthrow American democracy.” He even warned that a reelected Trump “is almost certain to convert the military into his personal domestic police force” and “seize voting machines [and] control ballot counting,” even though state laws govern elections.

Still, he denies filing groundless grievances over voting rules. He insists many of the tighter rules imposed by Republicans serve no legitimate purpose. And he doesn’t buy their argument that they’re needed to stop fraudulent voting because, as he claims, voter fraud is rare (or, more precisely, rarely prosecuted).

Anti-Trump War Room

“Republicans are working every day to make it harder to vote,” Elias recently posted on X. “They are also planning to subvert the elections when they lose.”

Noting the GOP’s flurry of preelection lawsuits, including in the battleground states of Pennsylvania, Michigan, Nevada, and North Carolina, Elias recently told MSNBC that Republicans will do anything to push Trump over the top because he cannot win on his own. “He is set to lose to Kamala Harris,” Elias claimed, “and Republicans know that their only way of winning this election is by intimidating voters, making it hard for voters to participate in the process, and by setting up a structure after the election for them to be able to engage in the kind of frivolous and harassing litigation and ultimately the kind of tactics we saw in 2020 – but on a much wider scale.”

To combat this, “My law firm is litigating 66 voting and election lawsuits in 23 states,” he said on X, with most of them concentrated in Arizona, Georgia, and Wisconsin. “And we are winning!” By comparison, Elias filed 20 voting-related lawsuits in 14 states at this point in the 2020 election cycle, making him more than three times as litigious this time.

His anti-Trump legal war room includes a for-profit operation he founded in 2020 called Democracy Docket LLC, which employs 16 and is housed in the same office as his law firm, records show. The digital platform tracks several hundred voting-related cases and publishes a weekly organ distributed to more than 225,000 paid subscribers (at $120 a year), who include lawyers, politicians, and journalists.

A sister operation, Democracy Docket Legal Fund, supports election litigation to protect the voting rights of primarily minority voters. Another spinoff, the Democracy Docket Action Fund, raises money for voting rights lawsuits. According to the Capital Research Center, the two organizations are bankrolled by millions of dollars in so-called dark money, including from leftwing billionaire George Soros – whom Elias has called “a hero.” Through these vehicles, Elias has virtually “unlimited funding” to challenge any voting law in any state if he thinks it will help his party and his Democratic clients win elections, according to Americans for Public Trust, a government watchdog group based in Alexandria, Va.

While Elias publicly claims he’s “defending free and fair elections,” it’s clear from his actions behind the scenes that his motives are purely partisan, critics say. Last month, he sent a letter to Virginia state election officials threatening to sue them if they don’t remove Cornel West, the presidential nominee of the leftwing Justice for All Party, from the state ballot. Elias is also trying to keep West, a progressive black college professor, off the ballot in 15 other states, including key battlegrounds. These efforts clearly have nothing to do with voting rights. Elias is simply worried West will bleed off enough votes from his Democratic client Kamala Harris to cost her victories in states where she is leading by razor-thin margins against Trump.

In a column he wrote last year for Democracy Docket, Elias admitted: “A vote for No Labels, Robert F. Kennedy Jr., Cornel West or any other third-party candidate is effectively a vote for Trump.”

In addition, Elias is quietly working with immigrant advocacy groups that want to make it possible for noncitizens to vote. In August, for example, Elias stepped in to represent El Pueblo in its quest to stop North Carolina’s State Board of Elections from removing noncitizens from voter registration rolls as required by a 2023 law. An estimated 325,000 “unauthorized” immigrants reside in the state.

As more than a dozen jurisdictions run by Democrats now allow noncitizens to vote in some local elections, the push to redefine who is eligible for the franchise promises to become an ever more potent and divisive issue in American politics. Much of this debate will almost certainly be hashed out in the courtroom battles and behind-the-scenes political maneuvering that are Marc Elias’ special practice.

After this article was published, Marc Elias’s representative said a donation Elias had made to the nonprofit Just Neighbors was not in support of illegal immigrants. He said it was to help victims of a snowstorm in Vermont.

This article was originally published by RealClearInvestigations and made available via RealClearWire.

This article first appeared on the Magnolia Tribune and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

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Sicily 2024

State News

robertstjohn

October 14, 2024

This article first appeared on the Magnolia Tribune.

Robert St. John writes that traveling has always been a personal passion, but it’s a different kind of joy to see someone else’s eyes light up when they experience something new.

Travel has a way of opening the world, peeling back the layers of the familiar, and revealing the extraordinary. It’s something that grabbed hold of me 13 years ago when I first took my wife, my then 14-year-old daughter, and my 10-year-old son on an adventure of a lifetime. We flew to Sweden, bought a Volvo, and embarked on a six-month journey through 72 cities, 17 countries, and two continents. Somewhere along that trip, Italy called, and I flew my buddy Wyatt over. Together, we wrote a book. And what started as an exploration of places and flavors became the foundation of my side-gig today—guiding others through the European cities, towns, landscapes and experiences that have captivated me.

Back then, during that whirlwind of cities and culinary discoveries, I had no inkling that leading tours would become such a big part of my life. At book signings for the Italian book, folks would ask if I’d ever thought about taking people to the places I had written about. I figured it was just polite chatter, small talk while I signed the inside cover. But the questions kept coming. People seemed genuinely interested, and one day, I thought, “Why not?” So, I made a simple Facebook post to gauge interest. That first trip filled up quickly, and before I knew it, there was a waiting list. Then, the waiting list developed its own waiting list. That’s how it all started.

This November, I will have hosted over 1,250 people since launching these European tours eight years ago (though we paused for two years during the pandemic). It’s an honor and a privilege that humbles me every time. I never imagined when I started that it would grow to this extent, or that I’d find such fulfillment in introducing others to the people, places, and wonders I’ve discovered over the years. Traveling has always been a personal passion, but it’s a different kind of joy to see someone else’s eyes light up when they experience something new—a city, a dish, a moment.

The restaurant business has always been, and will always be, my primary focus. It’s the heart of what I do, and I’m deeply grateful for the 400 team members who keep everything together back home. We currently have the best leadership team we’ve had in our 37-year history which gives me great solace. I’m blessed to have that dedicated and capable team leading the way. Their expertise and commitment allow our restaurants to thrive and maintain the high standards we set, even when I’m traveling. I have great confidence in their ability, knowing our guests are always in excellent hands.

This current trip has me leading an enthusiastic group of great people through Sicily— cobalt blue waters, ancient ruins, and plenty of great food tucked away in every corner. From here, I’ll move to Tuscany, where I’ll be hosting four groups back-to-back. It’s a place that feels like a second home at this point and every time I sit down for a meal in Tuscany, it just feels right, familiar, and welcoming. Next year, the itinerary will include—Spain, Tuscany, Holland and Belgium, England and Scotland, Rome, Amalfi, Naples, Venice, Bologna, and Milan. All places in which I’ve hosted tours before. The following year I’ll be adding Greece and the Scandinavian countries. Each place offers its own slice of magic, and I look forward to uncovering those moments with the people who put their trust in me to lead them.

That trust isn’t something I take lightly. When someone takes a week or ten days out of their life to travel with me, it’s a big commitment. It’s an investment of time, money, and, most importantly, trust. I’m honored that people choose to spend their vacations with me, exploring the places I love. What has surprised me most, though, are the friendships that I have made along the way. Most of these travelers have become more than guests; they’ve become friends. I have people who have joined me for seven trips, and on this journey, I’m traveling with folks who have been with me four or five times, along with a few first-timers. It’s a beautiful blend of familiar faces and new ones, and each trip feels like a reunion and an introduction all at once.

It’s also a special joy when old friends come along. On this trip, I have a few lifelong friends and people I’ve known since childhood. There’s something deeply rewarding about reconnecting in faraway places, sharing new experiences, and creating new memories. When one travels with friends, even stronger bonds are formed in a way that doesn’t happen in the routine of everyday life. There’s a sense of discovery, a shared excitement, and it brings people together.

Looking back, I knew I’d enjoy showing people the Europe I’ve come to love—the tucked-away trattorias, the hidden art gems, the quiet piazzas—but I never imagined it would turn into something this meaningful. I didn’t anticipate the deep friendships, the laughs shared over long dinners, or the joy of seeing someone’s face when they experience— for the first time— something that moves them. In those moments, I feel as if I, too, am experiencing it for the first time. It’s the kind of work that doesn’t feel like work.

Of course, I’m blessed to be in a business I love—restaurants. The restaurant world is all about hospitality, and it’s been my life’s work. It’s about making people feel welcome, about creating moments that people remember. I’ve been fortunate enough to extend that spirit of hospitality to this travel business. I spend almost four months out of the year in Europe, leading these tours, and it keeps me energized and young. It’s still hospitality work, but it’s a different kind—one that takes place in ancient cities, amidst rolling vineyards, and seaside esplanades.

Every successful journey takes a dedicated team, and I’m blessed to have an incredible group of people who help bring these tours to life. It’s not a solo gig—far from it. Simeon, my executive assistant, is the cornerstone of our operations. She manages all the travel reservations, guest relations, and pre-trip logistics with a level of precision and care that keeps everything running smoothly. Without her, none of this would be possible.

Jesse, my man on the ground for all tours outside Tuscany, has become a favorite among guests. He’s not just an experience coordinator; he’s the guy who makes sure everything feels seamless. Jesse knows how to connect with people, and his relaxed, friendly nature puts everyone at ease. Guests love him, and many have said he’s one of the highlights of their trips. Over the years, he’s become a true friend, not just to me but to my entire family.

Marina, who co-hosts with me in Tuscany, is a certified tour guide with a deep knowledge of the area. But it’s more than just her expertise that makes her special—it’s her warm spirit. She has a way of bringing the culture and history of Tuscany to life in a way that resonates with everyone. Guests often tell me how much they appreciate her insight and how she makes them feel like they’re not just visiting Tuscany, but truly experiencing it. Marina has become like family, and her friendship is something I cherish.

Annagloria, who was there from the very beginning, holds a special place in all of this. She helped me set the foundation for what these tours would become, and she’s been a steady presence ever since. Her support and friendship over the years has been invaluable.

But it doesn’t stop there. Our journey is also made possible by the chefs, restaurateurs, hosts, travel partners, and local guides who welcome us and my guests. Each of these people brings their passion and enthusiasm to the table, making every trip not just a tour, but a genuine experience.

I’m proud to set the vision, host the guests, and lead the team for these tours. But— just as it is in the restaurants— it’s the dedication and hard work of my crew that make it a reality. Working alongside such committed, talented individuals is an honor, and what makes it even more special is the friendship we’ve built over the years. We’re not just colleagues; we’re friends, and that’s what makes every mile traveled and every meal shared even more meaningful.

I’m grateful beyond measure to lead such a well-oiled, passionate, and enthusiastic team, and it’s a privilege to call them friends.

This Week’s Recipe: Spinach Flan

Cibreo in Florence is one of my favorite Italian restaurants. Chef Fabio Picchi serves a light-as-air spinach flan as a course on his tasting menu. This is my version, which is a nice, light vegetarian first course option.

Ingredients

2 cups Heavy cream
10 oz. package frozen chopped spinach, thawed, drained well
4 Eggs
2 tsp Kosher salt
1 tsp Fresh ground black pepper
1/8 tsp Ground nutmeg

Grated Parmigiano Reggiano as needed for garnish

1 recipe Roasted Tomato Coulis

Roasted Tomato Coulis

6 Roma tomatoes
1 Tbl Vegetable oil
½ tsp Kosher salt
¼ tsp Fresh ground black pepper

Instructions

Preheat oven to 275.

Combine heavy cream and spinach in a small sauce pot and warm over low heat, just to take the chill off.

Remove from heat and puree until smooth. Strain through a chinois. Discard any solids that remain.

Transfer to a bowl and combine remaining ingredients gently.

Coat 8 4-6 oz. oven safe ramekins with non-stick spray and divide mixture among them. Bake in a water bath for 30 minutes or until set. Allow to cool slightly. Using a paring knife, loosen the flan from around the edges and unmold onto desired plate. Garnish with fresh grated Parmigiano Reggiano.

Yield: 8 servings

Roasted Tomato Coulis

Preheat oven to 350.

Coat tomatoes in oil and place on sheet pan in the oven for 20-30 minutes, until skins begin to wrinkle and begin browning. Rotate tomatoes every 10 minutes to avoid one side burning.

Allow to cool just enough to handle, remove skins and place in food processor or blender with salt and pepper. Puree until smooth. Pass through a chinois if a smoother texture is desired. Serve warm.

Yield: 1 cup

This article first appeared on the Magnolia Tribune and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

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Moral and spiritual balances

State News

c.h. spurgeon

October 14, 2024

This article first appeared on the Magnolia Tribune.

You shall have just balances, just weights, a just ephah, and a just hin. – Leviticus 19:36

Weights and scales and measures were all to be according to the standard of justice. Surely no Christian will need to be reminded of this in his business, for if righteousness were banished from all the world beside, it would find a shelter in believing hearts. There are, however, other balances that weigh moral and spiritual things, and these need to be examined often.

Are the balances in which we weigh our own and other men’s characters quite accurate? Do we not turn our own ounces of goodness into pounds, and other people’s pounds of excellence into ounces? The scales in which we measure our trials and troubles—are they properly set? Paul, who had more to suffer than we have, called his afflictions light, and yet we often consider ours to be heavy—surely something must be wrong with the weights!

We must see to this matter, before we get reported to the court above for unjust dealing. Those weights with which we measure our doctrinal belief—are they quite fair? The doctrines of grace should have the same weight with us as the precepts of the Word, no more and no less; but it is to be feared that with many, one scale or the other is unfairly weighted. It is a vital matter to give honest measure in truth.

Christian, be careful here. Those measures in which we estimate our obligations and responsibilities look rather small. When a rich man gives to the work of God the same amount as the poor contribute, are things properly weighted? When pastors are neglected, is that honest dealing? When the poor are despised, while ungodly rich men are held in admiration, is that a just balance? Reader, we could extend the list, but we prefer to leave it as your evening’s work to identify and destroy all unrighteous balances, weights, and measures.

This article first appeared on the Magnolia Tribune and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

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