fbpx
Home - Breaking News, Events, Things-To-Do, Dining, Nightlife

HPNM

‘You stuck your neck out for me’: Brett Favre used fame and favors to pull welfare dollars

Former NFL quarterback Brett Favre had a way with Mississippi government officials.

Whether the football star was looking for funds to boost a startup company that he thought would make him rich or angling to take credit for building a new volleyball stadium at his alma mater, Favre knew he could count on Mississippi’s governor, the state’s welfare chief and a grant-funded nonprofit director to help him out.

He wasn’t shy about sweetening the deal for others or trading on his own fame and connections to secure a financial bailout. Favre, the Hall of Fame quarterback and home-state hero, had special access to Gov. Phil Bryant and people who controlled the state’s welfare spending.

Read Part 1: Phil Bryant had his sights on a payout as welfare funds flowed to Brett Favre

Favre said a nonprofit director Nancy New gave him $5 million in grant funds to build a volleyball stadium at University of Southern Mississippi – a payment that could be part of forthcoming civil litigation. A pharmaceutical company Favre backed, called Prevacus, also ended up receiving $2.15 million in allegedly stolen funds from the Mississippi Department of Human Services. The quarterback collected an additional $1.1 million welfare dollars personally.

In the course of his dealings on behalf of Prevacus or the volleyball stadium, Favre proposed the following:

  • Give then-Gov. Phil Bryant shares in Prevacus, or transfer his own personal shares to the governor
  • Give nonprofit founder Nancy New shares in Prevacus
  • Buy then-MDHS director John Davis a F-150 Raptor — Ford’s top-of-the-line pickup truck
  • Convince New and Davis to pay off more than $1 million he owed on the volleyball facility
  • Ask the governor for a meeting with the replacement MDHS director for more volleyball money
  • Convince USM to finance Prevacus in exchange for stock for himself
  • Aim to take home $20 million

Favre’s efforts to entice a welfare contractor with stock in Prevacus — which are central to embezzlement charges against Nancy New and her son, Zach New — are among the revelations of Mississippi Today’s investigative series, “The Backchannel.”

Discourse around the welfare scandal has been at times hyper focused on the fact that the money that officials misspent came from a federal program called Temporary Assistance for Needy Families, known for providing the welfare check. Many recipients of the funds have said they would have never knowingly taken money from the poor. But the narrow lens on TANF in the case of Prevacus ignores the reality that almost all the federal grants Mississippi Department of Human Services administers have to do with protecting the vulnerable – and there’s no scenario where it’s proper for MDHS grant money to flow to a private business outside the view of the public.

With the drug company investment, the volleyball arena and other payouts, at least $8 million in misspending auditors identified within Mississippi’s larger welfare scandal stemmed from Favre’s requests or fees. New’s nonprofit, called Mississippi Community Education Center and primarily funded by MDHS, directly paid Favre more than $1 million to be a spokesman for the Families First for Mississippi program. He’s since returned those funds, but the auditor says Favre still owes $228,000 in interest on the money he improperly received. Current MDHS Director Bob Anderson said last October that the department would be filing civil charges against Favre along with many others, but is awaiting approval from the attorney general.

While Favre has said he didn’t know the funding he received was from a program that is supposed to help the poor, text messages obtained by Mississippi Today show he knew he was dealing in government grants. Favre has not been accused of a crime within the scheme and declined to interview with Mississippi Today.

Below is a breakdown of Favre’s dealings with Mississippi officials and welfare-funded projects. Mississippi Today has reviewed hundreds of pages of written communication, which are reprinted here exactly as they appear without correction.

Give then-Gov. Phil Bryant shares in Prevacus

At the very start of their discussions with the governor, Favre and his business partner, Florida neuroscientist and Prevacus owner Jake Vanlandingham, suggested motivating Bryant to lend his support by giving him shares in the company, which said it was developing medication to deal with concussions.

Vanlandingham, who himself suffered severe brain injury as a young man, has worked since 2012 on finding a solution to the concussion crisis. He told Mississippi Today his priority is to prevent brain damage and save lives, but like any startup, he needed capital to realize his vision – and it was common for him to offer company incentives in exchange for the help of influential figures.

“I guess we verbally ask the Governor what the rules are to compensate him,” Vanlandingham texted Favre in late 2018. “Worse case scenario I give you more stock that as an individual u can transfer to him. But let’s avoid trouble at all cost.”

Favre later wrote, “Group text the governor and tell him we want to give him shares but don’t want to get anyone in trouble.”

The athlete and scientist had talked like this for years, brainstorming potential partners. Bryant eventually agreed by text to accept a company package two days after he left office, Mississippi Today first reported. Bryant denied that he was ever going to take stock in the company, despite text messages that show he continued to discuss a business deal with Vanlandingham until arrests derailed the arrangement.

Give Nancy New shares in Prevacus

Two days after their first meeting with the governor, Favre sent the contact information for Nancy New and told the scientist to reach out to her. “Offer her whatever you feel like,” Favre wrote.

After Vanlandingham’s first conversation with New, Favre asked, “Did you and Nancy discuss shares or commission?”

“We did briefly. She was all about it but graceful in saying she loved the cause and how much it could help kids. She has 4 grandkids,” the scientist said.

“I figured that if you mentioned it most likely she would refuse. I believe if it’s possible she and John Davis would use federal grant money for Prevacus,” Favre said.

Directly after their meeting with New and Davis at Favre’s house, Vanlandingham texted New to say that he would like to give her 50,000 shares in his company, according to documents attached to a state court filing. She said she would have helped him regardless, but thanked him for the gesture.

Vandlandingham relayed this exchange to Favre, who responded, “Hell we giving her something.”

“I’ll slip it to her,” the scientist wrote.

New began paying Prevacus a couple weeks later in late January of 2019, the indictment against her alleges. Two months after that, Vanlandingham updated Favre on the status of New’s ownership in the company.

“Nancy did get approval now to take 50k in shares from Prevacus. I gave her the good shares that won’t cost her or have a tax requirement,” the scientist wrote.

“Now that’s awesome,” Favre said.

Prosecutors have accused New of embezzlement for allegedly paying $2.15 million in welfare money to Prevacus and its affiliate company PreSolMD in exchange for personal stock, among several other charges, and could face hundreds of years in prison.

Credit: Graphic by Bethany Atkinson

Buy John Davis a F-150 Raptor

After first connecting with New, Vanlandingham texted Favre to ask if he knew John Davis, the director of Mississippi Department of Human Services, the New nonprofit’s primary source of funding.

“Yep. He is just like her,” Favre wrote.

Favre was in direct communication with Davis. The welfare director texted the athlete on Easter in 2019 to thank him for his friendship.

“John thank you very much and I am very proud to call you my friend!!! Have a wonderful blessed day,” Favre responded.

The week Prevacus was supposed to receive its first round of funding from New, Favre texted his partner: “This all works out we need to buy her and John Davis surprise him with a vehicle I thought maybe John Davis we could get him a raptor.”

Minutes later, Favre followed up: “Honestly give me your thoughts on what you think all this means … When we will make money.”

Get New and Davis to pay off a $1.1 million debt

Around the same time, Favre was getting nervous about holding the bag for more than $1 million that the Southern Miss Athletic Foundation needed to build the new volleyball facility Favre promoted.

“Hey brother Deanna and still owe 1.1 million on Vball,” Favre texted Davis, referring to his wife, Deanna Favre. “Any chance you and Nancy can help with that? They don’t need it at the moment.”

“You and Nancy stuck your neck out for me with jake and Prevacus I know and that’s going to turn out very good I believe,” he added.

“Good to hear from you. Let me see what we can do,” Davis responded. We certainly want to see the VBall project come together. I’ll get back with you tomorrow. 

“We value you Brett and are willing to always be supportive. Did not look at it as sticking our neck out as much as helping a friend and potentially many many more who are in need if treatment,” the welfare director added.

But as the auditor was about to launch an investigation into Davis’ department, grant funding was up in the air.

“I still owe 1.2 for the Vball complex on campus and not sure if Nancy and John can keep covering for me,” Favre texted his business partner.

The volleyball money never came. 

A couple months later in July, Favre texted Vanlandingham: “Here is my dilemma which isn’t your concern. Nancy has been awesome to me and has paid 4.5 million for a 7 million dollar facility. And she said it was all gonna be taken care of until this morning. Suddenly she said I don’t think I can do anymore. So now I am looking at a big pay out.”

New, a USM alumnus, sat on the athletic foundation’s board. Davis also graduated from the university.

Credit: Graphic by Bethany Atkinson

Ask the governor for a meeting with the replacement MDHS director for more volleyball money

Bryant kicked Davis out of office in late June when an MDHS employee alerted the governor to a small instance of alleged fraud by the director. When Bryant’s new director Christopher Freeze came in, Favre convinced the governor to hold a meeting so he and New could ask Freeze about more funding for their project, Freeze told Mississippi Today.

Bryant recalled that they were discussing the volleyball center. Freeze said he told them, “No,” and that the department had reinstituted a bidding process for TANF funds, which hadn’t happened since Bryant’s first year in office.

Once Vanlandingham got word that Davis had left MDHS, he asked Favre what the new director was like, and the quarterback responded, “Nancy said he ain’t our type.” The scientist quipped that they may need the governor “to make him our type.”

After the arrests, Vanlandingham texted Favre that he thought the investor they were close to securing was going to fall through, and that he was trying to scrape funds together to keep the drug development on track. Favre said he couldn’t help.

“I would but up to my eyeballs in vball debt,” Favre texted on February 11, 2020, six days after the auditor arrested Davis and New under indictments naming Prevacus.

Days earlier, The Associated Press quoted Favre saying that he raised the funds to build the volleyball center. 

“We wanted to do something for a high school and (Southern Miss),” he told the AP. “…And for Southern Miss, that was difficult — it’s hard to get people to donate for volleyball. But we’ll be opening an $8 million facility that will be as good as any in the country at Southern Mississippi.”

“One of the things I am most proud of about all the things I have been able to achieve is being able to give away so much money and help so many people with Favre4Hope,” he added. “Special Olympics, Cystic Fibrosis, Make-A-Wish Foundation, a big chunk of money to the Children’s Hospital in Minneapolis, to St. Jude and to Ronald McDonald House.”

“It would be a shame if people who can help don’t help. By no means are we perfect, but we do try to give back,” Favre said.

Convince USM to finance Prevacus in exchange for stock for himself

In 2017, several months before New sent $5 million to Southern Miss Athletic Foundation for the volleyball building, Vanlandingham suggested approaching USM to finance Prevacus. 

“I mean if you and him for example can get USM to put up 3.5M you’d be able to earn 280k in either stock/cash or a combo,” Vanlandingham texted Favre.

“If it passes the smell test I can get them to put the money up!!” Favre responded.

In late 2018, after they brought Bryant in, they revisited the prospect of working with Southern Miss.

“I guess between you, her and the governor we can get southern miss to work with us on prevacus project. We will give southern miss a good patent royalty position so when the drug gets approved they will make many many millions,” Vanlandingham texted Favre two days after their meeting with the governor in late 2018.

Aim to take home $20 million

Favre and Vanlandingham, a neuroscientist from Florida, spoke frequently for years, texts show, about how much money they stood to make if only they could get their concussion treatment drug through human trials and FDA approval.

Previously, Favre had similarly pushed an expensive new compounded pain cream that the FBI later investigated, uncovering a more than $515 million health insurance fraud scheme based in Mississippi that led to at least 20 convictions, Hattiesburg American reported. Officials did not accuse Favre of a crime within the scandal.

When Prevacus started engaging Favre, concussions were a hot button issue in the NFL at the time, and the star quarterback was not only an obvious choice as a sponsor for Prevacus, but an aspiring businessman eager to capitalize on the phenomenon.

“Call me crazy but my goal is to take home 20 million when it’s all said and done,” Favre texted Vanlandingham in 2018.

Another time, Favre asked, “And it doesn’t have to pass fda approval to make money correct?”

The scientist texted Favre grand promises of financial returns, but also attempted to manage the athlete’s expectation in dry banter.

“If phase 1 kills people we are done,” Vanlandingham texted Favre in 2019, a few weeks after receiving its first payment from New, “if it’s safe we move on and raise the next money.”

This is a supplement to Part 1 in Mississippi Today’s series “The Backchannel,” which examines former Gov. Phil Bryant’s role in the running of his welfare department, which perpetuated what officials have called the largest public embezzlement scheme in state history.

The post ‘You stuck your neck out for me’: Brett Favre used fame and favors to pull welfare dollars appeared first on Mississippi Today.

After lawmakers go home without extending postpartum Medicaid, six moms speak out.

Thousands of Mississippians stand to lose health insurance later this year because of Speaker of the House Philip Gunn’s refusal to extend postpartum Medicaid coverage from 60 days to a year. 

When the COVID-19 public health emergency ends, possibly as early as July, the 40,000 Mississippians currently covered under pregnancy Medicaid rules will lose coverage. People who give birth after that point will have 60 days to recover and make follow-up appointments with doctors. 

After that, they’ll be on their own.

That harsh, quick disintegration of a safety net is one that many Mississippi mothers already know well: About 60% of births in the state are covered by Medicaid, one of the highest percentages in the United States.

Dr. Nina Ragunanthan, an OB-GYN at Delta Health Center, a federally qualified health clinic in Mound Bayou, said the “vast majority” of her patients are on Medicaid. Complications after birth are a major contributor to the state’s high maternal mortality rate, she said, and depression and anxiety in particular can arise and worsen well after 60 days postpartum. 

Black women in Mississippi die of pregnancy-related complications at a rate three times higher than white women. 

“I just think that this is a no-brainer,” she said. “It would be so good for the health of women, the health of babies, and even makes economic sense.”

There are still paths to extending postpartum coverage that don’t depend on the state legislature, according to Joan Alker, executive director and co-founder of the Center for Children and Families (CCF) at Georgetown University. The U.S. Congress is considering legislation to require states to provide 12 months of Medicaid coverage postpartum.

Theoretically, Gov. Tate Reeves could direct the state Medicaid agency to ask the federal government to grant approval for the extension. But the legislature would still need to approve appropriations. 

Sen. Kevin Blackwell, R-Southaven, who authored the bill extending postpartum Medicaid coverage, said he plans to reintroduce the legislation next year and hold a hearing on the issue sometime this summer. 

Mississippi Today spoke with six moms from around the state about their experiences with Medicaid coverage during and after their pregnancies. Several of them gave birth during the pandemic and found that extended coverage let them access care for postpartum depression that would otherwise have gone untreated. Others had babies before the pandemic and lost their coverage after 60 days. One mom sustained an injury during childbirth that she couldn’t get treated because she lost health coverage too soon. Thirteen years later, she’s still dealing with the consequences.

Chelsea Brooks with her son, Tatum.

Chelsea Brooks

27 years old, graduate student, Florence

I was 28 weeks pregnant when I lost my insurance. And I applied for Medicaid. It was pretty easy to apply for. I ended up having to go a lot because I had high blood pressure while I was pregnant. Like probably two weeks before I was supposed to give birth, I started having some contractions. I went to the hospital. They paid for my ER visit. I gave birth early. They paid for that, my C-section, and I had to have emergency gallbladder surgery two weeks after I gave birth. It paid for that. 

I am still on my Medicaid, from my understanding, due to the COVID pandemic. I had to have a postpartum depression follow up with my primary physician. I went in for my six-week appointment, I was fine. I didn’t ask for anything. I had to go in again after my six-week appointment and basically I told my doctor like, “Hey, I’m not coping well. I’m fine. My son is safe. But I just feel like I’m not coping well. I’m crying, I’m tearful, any little thing is setting me off.” He was like, “Yeah, after you give birth sometimes you have those hormones.” I was breastfeeding as well. I was up, down, up, down, not getting sleep. He put me on something. He was like, “Follow up with your primary doctor within a week.” I did, and Medicaid paid for that. 

[Not having health insurance] would have affected me bad. I wouldn’t have been able to go in and just be like, “Oh, I got a doctor’s appointment.” They’re gonna ask you for money…. Medicaid really gave me the opportunity to get the help that I needed. I could actually be not crying while helping my child. I could be a full-time parent and just be able to take care of him without feeling down or depressed and not miss his moments, not be unhappy with him, you know. 

Personally, I feel like men shouldn’t make decisions regarding women’s health. … But if they cared about females and mental health and postpartum depression and anything like that, they would pass [the postpartum Medicaid extension]. Because the bigger issue is if women don’t have Medicaid or it’s not extended, do you not know how much could go wrong? Postpartum depression can lead to suicide, it can lead to infant death, it can lead to anything. It’s like they’re not seeing the bigger picture. 

Courtney Darby pauses to comfort her son, R’Jay Jones, as she talks about postpartum Medicaid expansion at Family Health Center in Laurel, Miss., Tuesday, March 8, 2022. Many mothers in the state cannot afford medical care when their Medicaid coverage ends 60 days after giving birth. Credit: Eric Shelton/Mississippi Today

Courtney Darby

32 years old, teacher, Heidelberg

With [Deysha, now 13] being my first pregnancy, I didn’t know what to expect, what was going on, what was gonna happen. After I had her, my body didn’t go back to normal. My back just started bothering me with other types of just– little odds and ends. I just felt like, ‘hey, I didn’t get a chance to figure out a lot of issues that I was experiencing.’ Also [within] six weeks, you’re supposed to be at home, trying to recover, being at home with the baby, not out in public. 

[After R’Jay was born in December 2021] I actually received the letter in the mail saying that it would be reinstated on March the first [2022]. I was actually shocked, but I was also excited about that at the same time. With me not going back to work right now, dealing with other issues, that’s kind of a savior to me… 

I’m kind of dealing with anxiety and depression. If you’ve never experienced it, it’s hard to explain. It’s hard for people to understand what it is that you’re going through and why. It’s like, in my community, it’s like, people don’t try to understand it. It’s like they think you snap out of it overnight. So any time that I need to reach out to the doctor, or mental health clinics, like I have to try to get myself better, [and Medicaid] has definitely been a major role. I don’t want to keep it covered to the point that I’m so down and out that I can’t dig myself out of that hole. I want to be the best parent that I can be for not only R’Jay, but also my other kids as well.

Kristen Elliott with her daughter, Sadie, the day after she was born. Credit: Kristen Elliott

Kristen Elliott 

30 years old, stay-at-home mom, Brandon

If your Medicaid is canceled within 60 days [postpartum], you only have that 60 days. To me that’s like, OK, if you have any immediate needs, they need to be addressed now, while you’re still adjusting, trying to get back to normal life. Your body is still going under major changes, especially during those first six to eight weeks. It’s such a short time to expect mothers to not need postpartum care. So I’ve been thankful that I have had the extended care [since the birth of Sadie, my fifth child, in October 2021] and that it has been covered. My husband owns a small business, so we don’t have insurance otherwise. And I stay at home with the kids.

The Medicaid went out after 60 days [with my fourth baby]. The postpartum depression, it was actually a good bit later. Truly I think I was dealing with it before I actually got help. But that’s a big thing– new moms, you’ll blow things off as, well, we’re adjusting or things are just hard because there’s a new baby and you’re not getting enough sleep. You just fall underneath all the laundry and the dishes and nursing the baby. You don’t really think about yourself. She was closer to nine months before I ever got on anything, and saw somebody for my postpartum depression. 

When I finally decided that I needed to go, a huge hesitancy was not having any medical coverage at that time. I was in a gap of where it was gonna cost out of pocket for me to go. So I was already kind of in a bad place, I didn’t want to get out of bed. I didn’t want to do anything. I just wanted to lay around and sleep. If I did get out of bed it was major anxiety. I would panic over small things.

Elliott paid out of pocket for treatment for postpartum depression following the birth of her fourth child. 

I can tell such a huge difference [following the birth of Sadie], because one, I was already on prior medication for my anxiety and depression, things like that. But the adjustments that I’ve needed after having her, you know, it’s so much of an ease to just go and not have to stress over the finances and things like that. I don’t have to let it build up to where I’m at my breaking point. I felt like I’ve connected with my baby more, I feel like I’ve bonded with her more. I’ve felt more like myself, bringing her home, getting settled in. We had a NICU stay and we were in and out of the PICU, for the first eight weeks of her life, and even through all of that, if I hadn’t had that care, I think things would have looked a lot different for me.

Laura McCardle with her son, Kash, now two years old. Credit: Laura McCardle

Laura McCardle

31 years old, finance, Copiah County

We had a rough road from the very beginning, with a high-risk pregnancy from five weeks. He was delivered at 28 weeks [on Jan. 8, 2020]. We spent 84 days at the University of Mississippi Medical Center in the NICU. 

Medicaid covered me through my six-week postpartum visit to get birth control, to make sure my pap smear was gonna be fine, I was healing well from my incision and all of this. I got a letter stating that I would be dropped March 31st [2020], ‘cause that was gonna be my 60 days. And I was like ‘well, I don’t know what I’m about to do because I’m not gonna go back to work right now. I’m not gonna spend my maternity leave in the NICU then send him to daycare. That’s not an option.’

Then COVID hit in the middle of him being at UMMC. I got a letter from Medicaid stating that it was going to be reactivated until the end of 2021. … That made me feel better. I’m not gonna lie, I did have some depression issues. My child was born at 28 weeks, he weighed two pounds, I couldn’t hold him or touch him. Of course there’s some issues there.

I’m [still] on [Medicaid] now, which is a huge blessing. But I really just wish that we could get this going for all the moms– just because they delivered in 2020, it’s not an exception.

Back at the end of November, December 2021, I was looking at going back to work. That gave me severe anxiety. … Who’s gonna have him, where’s he gonna go back to school? It was overwhelming. I called my OB-GYN. I discussed with her the sheer fear and terror that I was having, and she’s like ‘well, I think that maybe we should set you up with the wellness visit at a therapy center.’ So I was able to go and have that one-on-one time with the physician, who prescribed me some medication. Then I got a referral to go and talk to a therapist. I wouldn’t have been able to get that taken care of and handled had it not been for this COVID pandemic extending the coverage. I mean, I understand that I would have had to put your big girl panties on and deal with it. I understand that. But it’s just easier when you have support all the way around and then you have help from the physician.

McCardle has now returned to part-time work. She plans to get health insurance from her employer when she is working full-time. 

Emma To with her daughter, Elli, now six years old. Credit: Emma To

Emma To

32 years old, Nurse anesthetist, Madison County 

I was an RN for maybe three years, and then I went back to school for nurse anesthesia, which is advanced level practitioner. When you go back to school, you cannot work. The program’s so hard, if they do find out that you work and you’re failing, then you absolutely have no excuse.

I had went travel nursing before, saved up a bunch of money, I thought I was preparing myself. Then I found out I was pregnant. Surprise! I was married for eight years and never got pregnant. Then I was like crap, how are we going to do this, because I can’t work now. I went and got on Medicaid. 

Whenever I delivered the baby [in 2015] they gave me 60 days… I think five days postpartum I had an allergic reaction to one of my medications. I had postpartum depression, I had postpartum anxiety, I had to call an ambulance when I had the allergic reaction, and Medicaid covered all of that. Luckily we have a friend of the family that was an insurance agent. He hooked me up with [a plan through] the Affordable Care Act [after I got kicked off Medicaid]. 

Medicaid is viewed as for poor people. But here I am, college-educated, I had a four-year Bachelor’s degree, and [I was] an RN. [I was] going back to school to get my doctorate. There’s a stigma in getting Medicaid. I hate that people look at it for just low socioeconomics. It’s not. It’s for help. 

I paid taxes all those years. I worked since I was 16 years old. I was limited whenever I actually needed it, because I was trying to better myself– it was cut off for a certain amount of time. Now I’m a CRNA. I make over six figures a year. I don’t mind helping others out there who need it. This is how it’s supposed to work. 

A.M.

30s, state employee, Columbia

A.M. works for the state of Mississippi and requested her name not be used by Mississippi Today.

I was 19 when I found out I was pregnant. Here I am waiting tables, not married, and pregnant. So [delays with getting onto Medicaid] was definitely a little bit of added stress. I didn’t really have any trouble with them covering stuff after my pregnancy. But those 60 days after, I mean like to the day, they cut me off. And that was not the greatest. My son just turned 13 and I still actually am having residual SI [sacroiliac] joint pain from delivering him. The first five weeks I could barely walk after delivering him.

During the delivery the doctor did something– I still think he may have fractured my tailbone or actually broken it. I couldn’t walk. So I couldn’t get out to be seen for what was going on with my tail bone.

I go– What is today? Monday. I go in two days to the chiropractor again and probably will be getting referred to a specialist. Even if I had just been able to have [Medicaid] until my child was six months, I probably would have gotten everything handled then. God only knows how much this is going to cost me now, because I couldn’t afford it then. 

Really and truly, unless you have been in a low income parent’s footsteps– I’m not trying to toot my own horn by any means. But you’ve got someone who’s going to college, working one to three jobs, and you’re being told, ‘well, you need to work harder.’ I can’t. I can go back and pull a picture of our calendar one month and show you everything I had going on at that time. There was no room for anything else. I can’t tell you how much money I have spent on Monster and Red Bull and Bang and coffee. There’s not always a way to work harder, and telling me to get another job– well, day care’s not open anymore than what I’m already working. 

After losing her Medicaid coverage, A.M. had no health insurance for about six years. 

And I still, even through all of this, consider myself a relatively lucky person. I didn’t have anything traumatic happen during those times when I didn’t have insurance. I did break a pinky toe. But that was nothing. I didn’t have to go to the doctor. I didn’t almost lose an arm or become deathly ill. I made it through kind of OK. 

The post After lawmakers go home without extending postpartum Medicaid, six moms speak out. appeared first on Mississippi Today.

Spending billions, cutting taxes, fear and loathing: The 2022 legislative session wasn’t pretty, but it was historic

During the three-month 2022 legislative session, House Speaker Philip Gunn kept a copy of a January Mississippi Today article that noted the Legislature faced unprecedented tasks and questioned whether it “might have to go into extra innings — either extending the regular session or coming back into special session” to get its work done.

The article predicted the session would be “a donnybrook,” given that lawmakers had an extra $4.2 billion to spend and Republican House and Senate leaders and the governor have had trouble agreeing on major issues.

And, it said: “Reaching agreement on the extra spending would be a heavy lift for the 174-member, part-time citizen Legislature. But it also faces another half-dozen or so major issues or chores — redistrictingincome tax cuts or eliminationmedical marijuanareinstating the citizen ballot initiativeteacher paybanning some things about race that are not being taught in Mississippi schools — any one of which could create epic political wrangling.”

“Well, looking at this list, how did we do?” Gunn said Tuesday night after a session’s-end press conference ended. “We addressed everything on this list.” As for one item in the list left undone — reinstating voters’ rights to ballot initiatives — Gunn said, “The House did pass a ballot initiative.”

The session was something of a donnybrook, with bitter political fighting, standoffs, public recriminations, fear and loathing between the Republican leadership of the House and Senate. Lawmakers did have to extend the session, if only by a week, to get a budget passed. And a few issues were left on the cutting-room floor — notably the ballot initiative and a Senate push to extend Medicaid coverage for new moms to battle Mississippi’s high infant mortality rate.

It wasn’t pretty, it wasn’t smooth, and the end results left many disappointed or mad, but lawmakers did complete an unprecedented amount of work, spending and policy sea change from January 4 through April 5.

READ MORE: Mississippi Today’s full coverage of the 2022 legislative session

Although they often disagreed — and took some not so subtle jabs at each other throughout the session — Gunn and Lt. Gov. Delbert Hosemann, who leads the Senate, agreed at session’s end that it was fruitful.

“We addressed everything from medical marijuana to funding teachers (pay raise) which has been desperately need for so long,” Hosemann said. “… We have the most expansive infrastructure bill we have ever had in this state.”

“By any stretch, the Mississippi Legislature performed this year,” Hosemann said. “There’s lots to go back and look at historically.”

READ MORE: Lawmakers pass largest teacher pay raise in Mississippi history

READ MORE: Mississippi lawmakers pass the largest tax cut in state history

Gov. Tate Reeves was mostly a nonentity this session, except for threatening to veto early medical marijuana plans and taking the occasional political jab at his fellow Republican legislative leaders amid the battle over tax cuts. But on Tuesday, despite having vowed elimination, not just cutting, of state income taxes, he signed a tax cut bill into law and praised lawmakers’ work.

“This is a tremendous victory, and will have a tremendous impact on the average Mississippian and a tremendous impact on our state economy for years to come,” Reeves said.

The 2022 Legislature passed the largest teacher pay raise and income tax cuts in state history. After years of failed attempts, it created a medical marijuana program. After decades of failed attempts, it drew new congressional districts.

The 2022 Legislature spent the largest amount of money in state history — a more than $7 billion state budget plus billions in federal funds — due largely to Congress’ COVID-19 stimulus largesse filling state coffers directly and indirectly.

READ MORE: Governor, other Mississippi officials set to receive large pay raises

READ MORE: Speaker Philip Gunn scales back his income tax elimination proposal

Lawmakers, using federal American Rescue Plan Act money, are providing cities, counties and rural water associations $750 million in matching money and grants to upgrade antiquated water and sewerage infrastructure.

Haggling over medical marijuana dominated the first weeks of the 2022 session. A standoff over tax cuts — with Gunn adamant that the personal income tax be eliminated and Hosemann insisting more measured cuts during uncertain economic times — dominated the rest.

The tax standoff stalled or halted negotiations on most other measures and on setting a budget and spending federal pandemic money. Hosemann complained that House leaders would not parlay on the budget until a tax agreement was reached near the end of the session, putting things behind schedule and forcing extension of the session and a last-minute scramble to finish work. Rank-and-file lawmakers complained the hasty work at the end forced them to rubber stamp lots of spending and policy decisions by the leaderships with little input.

READ MORE: Cities, counties urge lawmakers to approve federal stimulus spending amid tax cut standoff

But at the end, both Gunn and Hosemann downplayed the internecine GOP political battles that dominated much of the session.

“There are going to be disagreements,” Hosemann said. “We have 172(sic) people in the Legislature and on any given day they have 200 opinions.”

READ MORE: Mississippi Legislature passes equal pay bill. Advocates say it’s terrible

The post Spending billions, cutting taxes, fear and loathing: The 2022 legislative session wasn’t pretty, but it was historic appeared first on Mississippi Today.

Legislature ends session without reviving ballot initiative

The Mississippi Legislature ended the 2022 session not restoring the initiative process that allowed citizens to place issues on the ballot for voters to decide.

The Mississippi Supreme Court ruled the process invalid in May because of a technical error in the language detailing how the process works. When the Supreme Court ruled, most everyone agreed the Legislature would fix the language and restore the initiative. But during the 2022 session, House and Senate leaders could not agree on how to fix the language.

READ MORE: Lawmakers near finish line on spending unprecedented state and federal funds

READ MORE: Mississippi lawmakers pass the largest tax cut in state history

Both chambers passed legislation earlier in the session restoring the process where an issue could be placed on the ballot if an initiative sponsor garnered the signatures equaling 12% of the vote in the last governor’s election, which would equal about 90,000 signatures. But in the conference process where only three House and three Senate members are allowed to negotiate differences in the legislation, Senate negotiators led by John Polk, R-Hattiesburg, insisted on a much higher number of signatures be gathered to place an issue on the ballot. Polk called for the number of signatures needed to place an issue on the ballot be equal to 12% of the registered voters as of the last presidential election or about 240,000 signatures.

House Constitution Chair Fred Shanks, R-Brandon, said House negotiators believe that the mandated number of signatures should remain at 12% of those voting in the last gubernatorial election as it was before the Court ruled the process invalid.

“We are going to remain firm,” Shanks said, adding he would try again in the 2023 session to restore the initiative process. “It is hard enough to get the signatures without increasing them.”

But Lt. Gov. Delbert Hosemann, who presides over the Senate, said the signature mandate needs to be increased.

“There was concern that … it is so easy to get people to sign,” Hosemann said. “… I think that was a concern of both the House and the Senate.”

He said there are companies that specialize in gathering signatures for initiative efforts and that it is much easier now to gather signatures than when the mandate equaling 12% of the number of people voting in the last gubernatorial election was put in place.

“We’re trying to get a number that makes sense,” Hosemann said.

But House Speaker Philip Gunn, R-Clinton, maintained the Senate was asking for “an enormously high threshold that we felt the citizens never be able to achieve.”

Both sides agree that the new proposal should allow voters to place issues on the ballot to change or amend general law. The initiative adopted in the early 1990s that was struck down by the Supreme Court last year allowed voters to amend the state Constitution.

Legislative leaders said they would prefer the process be used to amend general law because it is more difficult to change the Constitution. Changing the Constitution requires the approval of voters.

It is likely that any agreement also would prohibit legislators from changing any initiative approved by voters for two years except by a two-thirds vote of both chambers of the Legislature.

The Supreme Court struck down the proposal because the process required the mandated number of signatures to be gathered equally from the five congressional districts as they existed in 1990. The state lost a congressional seat in 2000.

The new language pending before the Legislature would require the signatures to be gathered equally from ever how many congressional districts the state has.

The initiative process was struck down at the same time the medical marijuana initiative that was approved by voters in November 2020 was ruled invalid by the Supreme Court.

It marked the first time in the modern era that the judiciary in any state had struck down an entire initiative process, according to Caroline Avakian, director of strategic communications for the Ballot Initiative Strategy Center, a national, pro-initiative non-profit.

While the only time in the modern era, the state Supreme Court landmark decision is not the only time a ballot initiative process has been ruled invalid by the judiciary. In the 1920s the Mississippi Supreme Court struck down a previous initiative process approved by state voters. After that 1920s ruling, it was not restored until the early 1990s.

Gov. Tate Reeves said recently he supported restoring the initiative. He said he does not intend to call a special session for the Legislature to consider the initiative, but might include it in the agenda if he called a special session for other topics.

The post Legislature ends session without reviving ballot initiative appeared first on Mississippi Today.

Enviva wood pellet plant to bring $250 million investment to South Mississippi

Industrial wood pellet manufacturer, Enviva, announced plans Tuesday to open a new production plant in Bond as the company’s fourth Mississippi location. 

The company says it will have about 100 local workers in the Stone County plant and is investing $250 million in the project. 

Enviva makes wood pellets that are shipped all over the world and burned to produce power as an alternative to fossil fuels. 

“Enviva has worked closely with state and local officials, delivering new investments, positive economic impact and strong support for the local communities,” John Keppler, the company’s CEO, said in a statement. “Our new plant in Bond is an integral part of Enviva’s growth strategy, which includes doubling production capacity over the next five years.” 

The Bond plant is expected to open in 2024. Construction is scheduled to begin next year.

Enviva has existing manufacturing plants in Armory and Lucedale and a marine terminal at the Port of Pascagoula. 

The Mississippi Development Authority is providing the company $4 million in grants for site development and infrastructure. The new plant is also certified under the state’s Advantage Jobs Rebate program, which gives companies yearly tax breaks based on the number of jobs they provide with higher-than-average salaries. 

Stone County’s economic development office said it is still negotiating the terms of the incentive package used to attract the Maryland company to the new site.

Enviva says plant jobs, which range from equipment workers and supervisors to mechanics and electricians, will be paid different rates. The company declined to specify its wages but said they’ll be “competitive in the market.”

“Stone County was founded on the timber industry more than a hundred years ago,” Stone County Board of Supervisors President Lance Pearson said in a statement. “ With the announcement of Enviva, we have an opportunity to produce a record number of new jobs because of the plentiful resources in Stone County.” 

Enviva says it will source low-value wood within 75 miles of the facility from privately owned forests. It operates 10 wood pellet plants across the Southeast and plans to produce 13 million metric tons of the pellets annually within the next five years. 

The new Mississippi site is off Highway 49. It was selected in collaboration with Gov. Tate Reeves, the state development authority and local officials.

Wood pellet plants have been increasingly opening in the South as means to support growing demands out of Europe for renewable energy. While the companies that make the pellets describe themselves as a clean energy source, critics say production can lead to air pollution and deforestation. 

Last year, one of Enviva competitors in Mississippi – Drax Biomass – was fined $2.5 million for its rate of air pollution emissions. Residents near Enviva facilities in other states have complained about air quality and constant noise, Scalawag, Southerly and Environmental Health News reported in 2020.

Enviva says the new plant will have “industry-leading emission controls” and will take measures to buffer the noisiest parts of the milling process. 

The post Enviva wood pellet plant to bring $250 million investment to South Mississippi appeared first on Mississippi Today.

Reeves signs historic tax reform

Gov. Tate Reeves has signed the largest tax cut in Mississippi history.

House Bill 531, the Mississippi Tax Freedom Act of 2022, phases in the more than $500 million tax cut over the next four years. In the first year, it would eliminate Mississippi’s current 4 percent bracket that currently applies to the first $5,000 in taxed income. In years two through four, it would reduce the rate that applies to all income over $10,000 from 5 percent down to 4 percent.

“Mississippi has just created the largest tax exemption in the entire country, giving immediate relief to working families. It’s just become one of ten states with a flat tax, making our tax code simple and fair. And it’s just agreed to the fifth lowest rate in the nation, allowing people to keep more of what they’ve earned,” said Empower President Russ Latino. “Lawmakers are to be commended for enacting significant, sustainable tax reform that makes us more competitive as a state.”

Under the change, individuals will not pay income taxes on their first $18,300 of taxable income and families will not pay taxes on their first $36,600 of income. A worker who makes $40,000 per year will see their taxes reduced by $417 a year, while a married couple making $80,000 would save $834 a year.

Empower has spent two years building the case and need for substantive tax reform in Mississippi, from issuing the first dynamic economic modeling of income tax elimination plans to testifying at joint legislative hearings, from engaging the media with over 1,100 mentions of our work to reaching the general public with over 4.3 million views of our content on the web and social media, and from designing alternate policy suggestions to activating citizens to send over 9,200 emails in support of tax reform.

Have Blue Cross Blue Shield insurance? This is what UMMC going out of network means for you.

For the first time in state history, University of Mississippi Medical Center, the state’s largest hospital, has gone out-of-network with Blue Cross & Blue Shield of Mississippi, the state’s largest insurer. 

So now what?

Who is exempt from the change

There are three groups of people that UMMC’s out-of-network status does not apply to, or will receive in-network benefits for a few extra months:

  1. Those enrolled in the Mississippi State and School Employees’ Health Insurance Plan will not be affected. Though that plan is administered through BCBS, the current dispute only affects the insurer’s commercial insurance plans.
  2. Patients who come into UMMC’s emergency room or are transferred from another hospital will still have their current reimbursement rates honored. 
  3. Patients for which UMMC has a continuity of care obligation. UMMC can’t stop caring for, say, a pregnant woman in her last trimester of pregnancy or a cancer patient who is in round two of 12 rounds of chemotherapy. In those cases, their Blue Cross reimbursement will be accepted. For these patients, this period of coverage will expire 90 days from April 1. 

What this means for non-emergency care

Blue Cross & Blue Shield of Mississippi has informed its customers that the insurer will continue to provide network benefits to UMMC patients – meaning BCBS is still offering to pay the in-network rate for a patient’s care. 

However, this will not prevent UMMC patients from paying highly inflated out-of-pocket costs for non-emergency care.

Blue Cross has instructed its customers to provide them with written direction to make benefit payments to UMMC. If UMMC were to accept payment from BCBS in this situation, UMMC could not bill patients for the difference between the reimbursement and cost of the service due to a 2013 Mississippi law that banned balance billing

However, UMMC maintains that they will not accept payments from BCBS. 

“If we were to do that (accept the payment from BCBS), then they would be able to pay us whatever they wanted in perpetuity, and we wouldn’t be able to do anything about it,” Dr. Alan Jones, UMMC associate vice chancellor for clinical affairs, told Mississippi Today in March.

Blue Cross & Blue Shield of Mississippi believes the hospital is legally required to accept its payment or consider the services as paid in full – an interpretation with which both UMMC and Mississippi Insurance Commissioner Mike Chaney disagree.

“Blue Cross & Blue Shield of Mississippi Members may direct us to pay UMMC directly for services it rendered.  Blue Cross & Blue Shield of Mississippi (BCBSMS) is required to honor the direction of payment, and UMMC is required to accept BCBSMS’ payment as payment in full for covered services and even if UMMC rejects BCBSMS’ payment, the statute provides ‘that payment shall be considered payment in full to the provider, who may not bill or collect from the insured any amount above that payment [other than deductible and coinsurance/copay]….,” Cayla Mangrum, manager of corporate communications for the company, said in a statement to Mississippi Today last week. 

“UMMC’s stated intention to refuse to accept payment directly from Blue Cross & Blue Shield of Mississippi when a Member has directed us to pay UMMC is not in compliance with the consumer protection statute and would deprive our Members of a right they are clearly provided under Mississippi law,” she said.

Chaney weighed in on this interpretation: “There’s nothing in the code section that requires UMMC to accept payment from BCBS.”

Marc Rolph, executive director of communications and marketing for the hospital, echoed Chaney.

“UMMC does not believe that an insurance company has the unilateral right to dictate the business practices of a health care provider,” said Rolph.

According to UMMC, patients will instead have to file any claims directly with BCBS and pay the UMMC bill themselves. The reimbursement a patient will receive directly from BCBS will be less than their UMMC bill. 

UMMC has said it will offer BCBS patients a discounted rate on the care they receive, but even with this discount, their care will still cost significantly more than if BCBS was still in-network.

The post Have Blue Cross Blue Shield insurance? This is what UMMC going out of network means for you. appeared first on Mississippi Today.

How much pandemic relief funds has your school district spent?

Over the past two years, the state of Mississippi has received $2.5 billion in pandemic relief funds to improve education and help reduce COVID-related learning loss. 

The Elementary and Secondary School Emergency Relief (ESSER) Fund was created initially by the Coronavirus Aid Relief and Economic Security (CARES) Act and then subsequently replenished in two other pieces of federal legislation, creating three separate pots of money for the state and districts to spend. 

All three sets of funds require that 90% of the money go directly to school districts. There are a wide variety of allowable expenses under the ESSER guidelines, but the U.S. Department of Education instructs school districts to prioritize efforts to “safely reopen schools for full-time instruction for all students, maintain safe in-person operations, advance educational equity, and build capacity.”

The remaining 10% goes to the state Department of Education, which has broad discretion to use the money for any emergency needs from the pandemic. No more than half a percent of the total amount in each ESSER fund can be used on administrative expenses. 

Thus far, the Department of Education has spent 29% of its ESSER I monies, primarily on updating the Mississippi Student Information System (MSIS), digital literacy coaches, a school nurse program, career and technical education equipment, and Pre-K funding. Only 1% of ESSER II money has been spent at the state level, primarily on MSIS updates and digital content subscriptions. 

Districts spent their money in nine major categories, which are described below. 

  • Employee salaries: salaries for teachers, professional personnel, instructional aides, and substitute teachers; overtime pay, performance-based salary incentives, and COVID-19 incentive payments
  • Employee benefits: health insurance, life insurance, retirement contributions, unemployment compensation
  • Professional and technical services: educational consultants, counseling services, lawyers, architects, accountants, nurses, data processing services
  • Property services: water and sewer, electricity, communication, custodial, lawn care, construction services, maintenance services
  • Other purchased services: student transportation services, insurance (other than employee benefits), postal services, advertising, 
  • Supplies: software, gasoline, transportation supplies, food, books, periodicals
  • Property: land, buildings/building improvements, computer equipment, furniture, connectivity equipment, cars, buses 
  • Other objects: dues and fees, interest, debt, payments to state agencies
  • Other uses: summer food, indirect costs

View the charts below to learn more about how this money has been budgeted and district-level spending for each pot.

ESSER I

Created By: Coronavirus Aid, Relief, and Economic Security (CARES) Act

Available through: Sept. 30, 2022

Total to Mississippi: $169,883,002  

Reserved for statewide programming: $16,988,300

ESSER II

Created By: Coronavirus Response and Relief Supplemental Appropriations Act

Available through: Sept. 30, 2023

Total to Mississippi: $724,532,847 

Reserved for statewide programming: $72,453,285

ESSER III

Created By: American Rescue Plan Act (ARPA)

Available through: Sept. 30, 2024

Total to Mississippi: $1,628,366,137  

Reserved for statewide programming: $162,836,614 

The post How much pandemic relief funds has your school district spent? appeared first on Mississippi Today.

An antidote to interest groups: sunrise review

Occupational licensing has grown in recent decades. As recently as the 1950s, just 5 percent of workers needed a license to work. It was saved for professions like physicians, dentists, and lawyers. But from 1993 to 2012 Mississippi licensed 49 separate professions that do not require a traditional 4-year degree, which is more than almost any other state in the country. Today, 19 percent of workers need a license to work in the state of Mississippi. This includes professions like barbers, massage therapists, contractors, and tree trimmers.

While Mississippi has been a national leader in occupational licensing reform in recent years, the trend is for licensing to grow. States have implemented numerous mechanisms to reform licensing laws. The simplest way is to prevent these laws from being passed in the first place. For that, 22 states have turned to sunrise reviews, relying on an independent commission to measure the costs and benefits of proposed regulations.

The rationale behind licensing is to protect consumers. By requiring certain levels of education and training and requiring applicants demonstrate their skills to a board of professionals, states could ensure that professionals were of sufficient quality.

However, in practice, occupational licensing does have some drawbacks. The requirements for education and training can have significant costs, often posing barriers to entry into the profession. Reducing the supply of workers increases the prices they charge consumers, forcing people to pay more. Minorities are often hit harder by licensing requirements. Meanwhile, research tends to find that it has little effect on the quality of services that consumers receive.

Despite growing knowledge of the costs of licensing, it persists. Every year in legislatures across the country, bills are introduced proposing licensing for new professions. Licensing is the most common form of professional regulation, and once passed, these laws are notoriously difficult to repeal.

You can help reform occupational regulations. Please sign the petition below.

(function(d, s, id) {
var js, fjs = d.getElementsByTagName(s)[0];
if (d.getElementById(id)) return;
js = d.createElement(s); js.id = id;
js.src = ‘//p2a.co/js/embed/widget/advocacywidget.min.js’;
fjs.parentNode.insertBefore(js, fjs);
}(document, ‘script’, ‘advocacy-actionwidget-code’));

If occupational licensing has these drawbacks that leaves so many worse off, why is it proposed? A new report from the Institute for Justice provides some insight. They reviewed sunrise reports for 15 states from 1985-2017. They found that at least 83 percent of the licensing bills were initiated by professional associations. These special interests sought licensing for economic interests and to raise the credibility of their profession in the eyes of the public.

Organized interest groups are effective at pressuring legislatures to pass laws that benefit them at the expense of society. One method that some states have adopted to counter this pressure is the sunrise review process.

Sunrise reviews provide a mechanism for states to evaluate proposed legislation before it’s brought to a vote. They are often used for professional regulation, to help state legislators assess the bills. Legislators often lack the capacity to independently research the costs and benefits of each bill, so they have to rely on knowledgeable third parties. Frequently, these knowledgeable parties are those professionals who stand to benefit from the legislation. The sunrise commission provides independent analysis for legislators, helping to balance the influence of special interest groups.

In practice, when a bill to regulate a new profession is proposed, it is first sent to the commission to review. The reviewers will detail the potential harms from continuing to not regulate the profession. They compare the costs and the benefits of regulation and have the ability to recommend less stringent forms of regulation that can protect consumers with lower costs. Before the legislature votes on the bill, the commission provides a recommendation accompanied by a detailed report of their findings.

How well do sunrise reviews work? In IJ’s review of the annual sunrise reports, they found that 54 percent recommended against licensure. An additional 20 percent of reviews recommended less stringent forms of professional regulation. In a vast majority of cases, the government believes that licensing would serve professionals’ interests, rather than the public’s interest.

The legislatures are free to ignore the recommendations of the sunrise review. When sunrise reviews recommend against licensing, legislatures follow them about 65 percent of the time. Legislatures are still twice as likely to pass licensing laws than sunrise commissions recommend, but sunrise commissions have a sizable effect on licensing.

This report also provides details about each state’s review process. Three features stood out as best practices. States that had strong, clearly laid out criteria had the most successful reviews. Another important aspect was independence. When the reviewers are removed from political pressure, the review reports provide much greater detail and recommend against licensing more often. Finally, states must be willing to devote time and resources to the reviews, to allow for in-depth reviews that truly investigate the costs and benefits of the proposed licensing laws.

These sunrise commissions can serve as an example for Mississippi. The Occupational Licensing Review Commission currently has the power to review all new and existing professional regulations. Giving them a more resources and a clear mandate to provide a sunrise review for all new proposed licensing laws would strengthen the OLRC. Doing so would protect Mississippians from needless red tape, while still encouraging regulation when necessary.

Occupational licensing is overwhelmingly sought by special interests who stand to gain from these laws, not the public who bears the brunt of the costs. Other states’ experience shows that sunrise reviews can be an effective measure to counteract the pressure of professional associations, helping legislatures to craft better policy that limits unnecessary red tape.

Governor, other Mississippi officials set to receive large pay raises

The Legislature as it winds up its 2022 session has approved large raises for statewide and other elected officials starting in 2024, after the next election.

Here are salary changes that will start then if Gov. Tate Reeves signs House Bill 1426 into law:

Office Current salary New salary
Governor $122,160 $160,000
Attorney General $108,960 $150,000
Secretary of State $90,000 $120,000
Insurance Commissioner $90,000 $150,000
Treasurer $90,000 $120,000
Auditor $90,000 $150,000
Agriculture Commissioner $90,000 $120,000
Transportation Commissioners $78,000 $95,000
Public Service Commissioners $78,000 $95,000
Lieutenant Governor $60,000 $85,000
House Speaker $60,000 $85,000

Senate Accountability, Efficiency and Transparency Chairman John Polk told senators before voting that the new salaries are recommended by the State Personnel Board, based on salaries in other states in the region. And, he noted, the raises would not go into effect until after the next state elections.

But some senators still expressed consternation, including Sen. Hob Bryan, D-Amory, who said plainly, “I am not voting for this.” The Senate vote was 47-3, with Bryan and Sens. Angela Hill and Joseph Seymour voting no. Sens. Kathy Chism and Jeff Tate voted present.

The House vote was 84-20 for the bill, with six voting present and 12 absent or not voting. House Appropriations Chairman John Read, R-Gautier, authored the bill.

Mississippi’s median household income is $45,081 a year — the lowest in the country.

Some lawmakers expressed apprehension about the bill, not because other elected officials were getting a raise, but because legislators were not.

“So everybody’s getting a raise except for legislators,” said Sen. Charles Younger, R-Columbus. “I feel like a redheaded stepchild.”

READ MORE: Pay raise for legislators bill dies quiet death

Sen. Sollie Norwood, D-Jackson, said: “Was there any discussion regarding the rationale of a pay raise for legislators not being considered?”

Polk reminded lawmakers that a measure to increase lawmakers’ pay died earlier in the legislative session.

The Senate had passed a bill that would give lawmakers a pay bump of $6,000 for the first year of a four year term, and $4,500 a year for the other three years of a term.

Mississippi’s part-time legislators are paid a base of $23,500 a year — although most make between $40,000 and $50,000 a year in salary, per diem, reimbursements and other payments. Some lawmakers’ total compensation is around $70,000 a year.

The post Governor, other Mississippi officials set to receive large pay raises appeared first on Mississippi Today.